January 18, 1845
IV, Number 26.
and Published By
R. C. Langdon & W. C. Munger
to General Intelligence, Politics, Morality, Literature,
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New York Herald thus launches a prophecy for 1848:
Polk has only succeded to the fate and destiny of
Mr. Martin Van Buren, and Benton, Calhoun, Cass,
Wright, and all, will materially destroy one another.
So that the prospect of the ruin of the Democratic
party, in consequence of its intesting fends, is
brilliant in the extreme, and promises to pave the
way for the election of Mr. Clay in 1848, by one
of the most overwhelming majorities that ever carried
a popular man to the Presidency."
Clay and the next Presidency
are sorry to see hints or suggestions thrown out,
that Mr. Clay may be run for the Presidency in 1848.
They are no wise friends of his, who throw out suggestions,
for they keep alive party feuds and personal hostility,
and "justice" never can be done Mr. Clay, till that
personal hostility is removed. Thousands believe,
for they have so often read it in Loco Foco prints,
that Mr. Clay has "murdered" somebody: and that he
is a "blackleg," gambling Sabbath nights, they have
no manner of doubt. Time, and absence from party
srife alone can remove these lies from their effect
on ignorant minds. For fifteen years now, they have
been so constantly dinned into the ears of ignorance,
that justice can only come when he is off the arena
of ambition, so that ambitious men in the Loco Foco
ranks, who have some magnanimity, can afford to correct
the lies their co-laborers have spread. The frankness,
generosity and fearlessness of Mr. Clay's life and
character, have exposed him to being lied down:
and his is a signal and melancholy momento of the
danger of "carrying your heart in your hand," as
a public man. History will do him justice. His country
and his whole country will do him justice, perhaps
in his own day, if his country has need emphatically
of him, and he is not always kept on the stage, -
for never did such men pass off without leaving a
name and a fame behind for which the world at last
defeat of Mr. Clay by the curious coalition of Texas
Nullifiers and New York Abolitionists, was a chance
hit only. It has lost him nothing of reputation or
of glory, and has only made him dearer in the hearts
of his friends. His honor and his moral victory are
just as great as if he had the disagreeable duty
of distributing the spoils of victory. Such a great
party, with its majorities, if they do not actually
hold the reins of Government, yet hold such a check
over them, that their principles, if not actually
dominant, must powerfully influence the men who have
control of affairs. By those principles let us stand,
as Mr. Clay advises, with the disposition to judge
Mr. Polk fairly, and in due time, be ready to offer
our candidate for the Presidency. -- N.Y. Express
from Mr. Clay.
following letter from Mr. Clay to a committee of
the citizens of New Haven, Ct., transmitting to Mr.
C. the proceedings of a public meeting of the whigs
of New Haven, will be perused with interest.
Ashland, 17th Dec., 1844
Gentlemen: I duly received
your friendly letter transmitting the proceedings
of a public meeting held in the city of New Haven,
in respect to the late Presidential election.
The patriotic spirit manifested in the whole
of them is worthy of Connecticut, worthy of its
own renowned seat of learning, and worthy of
the Whig cause. For the sentiments of attachment,
confideence and friendship toward myself, which
they exhibit, and which you so kindly reiterate
in your letter, I offer the warm acknowledgments
of a grateful heart. My obligation to Connecticut,
and my friendly intercourse with many of her
eminent sons, during a long period of time, will
be faithfully remembered while I continue to
live. I share with you, in regrets, on account
of the unexpected issue of the recent election.
My own personal concern in it is entitled to
very little consideration, although I affect
no indifference in that respect. The great importance
of the event arises out of the respective principles
in contest between the too parties, the consequence
to which it may lead, and the alleged means by
which it was brought about, of which, however,
I do not allow myself particularly to speak.
The policy of the country in regard
to the protection of American industry, a few
months ago, seemed to be rapidly acquiring a
permanent and fixed character. The Southern and
South-Western portions of the Union had been
reproached at the North for want of Sufficient
interest and sympathy in its welfare. Yielding
to the joint influence of their own reflections
and experience, the Slave States were fast subscribing
to the justice and expediency of a tariff for
revenue, with discrimination for protection.
At such an auspicious moment, instead of cordially
meeting the Slave States and placing the durable
ground, a sufficient number of the free States
to be decisive of the contest, abandoned what
was believed to be their own cherised policy,
and have aided, if not in its total subversion,
in exposing it to imminent hazard and uncertainty.
Discouragement had taken the place of confidence
in the business of the country, enterprise is
checked, and no one knows to what employment
he can now safely direct his exertions. Instead
of a constantly augmenting home market, we are
in danger of experiencing its decline at a time
when the foreign market is absolutely glutted
with American productions, cotton, especially,
which is now selling at a lower price than was
ever before known. It is probably destined to
fall still lower. The final and not distant result
will be, especially if large importations shall
be stimulated by low duties, a drain of the specie
of the country, with all its train of terrible
consequences, on which I have neither inclinations
nor time to dwell.
If the cause of the Whigs had triumphed,
the distribution of the proceeds of the sales
of the public lands would have been secured,
and that great national inheritance would have
been preserved for the benefit of the present
and future generations. I shall be most agreeably
disappointed if it be not wasted in a few years
by graduation and other projects of alienation,
leaving no traces of permanent benefit behind.
I could not touch upon other great
measures of the public policy, which it was the
purpose of the Whigs to endeavor to establish,
without giving to this letter an unsuitable length.
They may be briefly stated to have aimed at the
purity of the government, the greater prosperity
of the people, and additional security to their
liberties and to the Union. And, with all, the
preservation of the peace, the honor and the
good faith of the nation. The whigs were most
anxious to avoid a foreign territory, which under
the circumstances of the acquisition, could not
fail to produce domestic discored, and expose
the character of teh country, in the eyes of
an impartial world, to severe animadversion.
But our opponents have prevailed
in the late conteswt, and the Whigs are, for
the present, denied the satisfaction of carrying
out their measures of national policy. Believing
that they are indispensable to the welfare of
their country, I am unwilling to relinquish the
fond hope that they may be finally established,
whether I live to witness that event or not.
In the meantime, those to whose hands the administration
of public affairs is confided, ought to have
a fair trial. Let us even indulge an anxious
desire that the evils which we have apprehended
may not be realized, that the peace of our country
may be undisturbed, its honor remain unsullied,
and its prosperity continue unimpeded.
To guard, however, against adverse
results, the resolution of the Whigs of the city
of New Haven steadfastly to adhere to the Whig
cause and principles, is wise and patriotic.
I should be happy to visit once
more New England, and especially New Haven, which
has done me so much honor, by giving me, at the
late election, the largest majority ever given
in that city in a contested election. I shall
embrace, with great pleasure, any oppolrtunity,
should any ever offer to accept your obliging
I tender to you, gentlemen, my
cordial thanks for your friendly wishes and kind
regards for me and mine, and I hope that one
and all of you may long live in health, happiness
I am faithfully your friend and
obedient servant, H. CLAY.
Messrs. P.S. Galpin, Jas. F. Babcock, Thomas
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